Hitler’s Spies and the Ossewabrandwag

You can tell it’s the holidays as I am getting to some book reviews I’ve been promising – and this book by Dr Evert Kleynhans “Hitler’s Spies: Secret Agents and the Intelligence War in South Africa: 1939 – 1945” had me reacting like the ‘Strictly Come Dancing’ Judge Anton Du Beke when a celebrity performer receives a 10/10. Du Beke usually becomes highly animated, jumps up, fist pumps and joyously shouts out … YES! BRILLIANT! NAILED IT! FINALLY! I KNEW IT ALL ALONG!!!!! … my wife found me putting down Evert’s book after I finishing it and very amusingly behaving like a rather euphoric and unhinged Du Beke.

So why so happy? There’s a bit of a backstory to this delirious happiness, so bear with me. Over six years ago in 2017 – I published an Observation Post called “Mein Kampf shows the way to greatness for South Africa” – The Ossewabrandwag. I had sought to find and publish the proof of conversion to Nazism by this “cultural front” to Afrikaner Nationalism. 

I had managed to build this Nazi link easily with movements like the ‘Grey-shirts’ – The South African Christian National Socialist Party (SANP) – led by Louis Weichardt and the ‘Black-shirts’ – the Volksbeweging (People’s Movement) or ‘African Gentile Organisation’ led by H.S. Terblanche – these shirt movements with their “Blue, White and Orange” arm-band swastikas were clearly Nazi to the core . The National Socialist Rebels – led by Robey Leibbrandt were also easy and really obvious given he was a covert Nazi appointed operator. The National Socialist Boerenasie (Boer Nation) movement – led by the Boer Revolt hero and rabid anti-sematic Manie Maritz was equally clear – all these movements had fully adopted National Socialism in their missions and even swastika iconography into their images, mastheads and positioning – so proving them as out and out Nazi was easy.

Not so the Ossewabrandwag (OB) – proving their Nazi affiliations is somewhat more difficult. It’s the veneer of the Ossewabrandwag (OB) that’s the issue – their clear “anti-British” stance due to Boer War 2, and their clear positioning as the “cultural front” of Afrikaner Nationalism, with the National Party operating as the “Political front” – this makes it so difficult to pin a case of Nazism on them. The Ossewabrandwag’s Voortrekker origins and mission as “mapping a path” to a ‘white’ South African Republic with a white Afrikaner hegemony using these voortrekkers (pioneers) as the vehicle – all working very succinctly with the National Party which adopted the same voortrekker iconography and mission in its image and political its resolve for a future Republic. 

Image: OB ‘General’ B.J. ‘John’ Vorster at a OB rally

To smear an organisation like the OB which boasted about 300,000 active middle of the road Afrikaners (to whom nearly a million modern Afrikaners are now related) with a “Nazi Brush” is not an easy task – it is as Afrikaans as a Hertzoggie cookie. 

You can argue that the introduction of the Stormjaers within the OB with their military ranks, insignia, salutes and blood oaths are distinctively Nazi, so too their armed ‘sabotage’ campaign can be seen as ‘assisting’ Nazi Germany in their war effort and by their very actions treasonous. You can argue that the OB’s ‘Commandant-General’ Johannes (Hans) van Rensburg was a disciple of Nazim and admirer of Adolf Hitler and built into the OB the distinctive Nazi ideologies of “blut und Boden” (Blood and Soil), their “Give us a master” call for the implementation of the “Führer principle”, their call for the removal and expropriation of “British-Jewish” controlled capital. Their racial constructs and policies which relegated “English speaking” South Africans to secondary citizenship and lumped Jews and Blacks as “Untermensch” – racially inferior and “insoluble” in white Afrikaner every-day life. All of that is distinctively Nazi right?

Dr Hans van Rensburg being sworn in – OB swearing in ceremony

You can even pick out choice statements by key OB leaders as to the OB’s distinctive Nazi roots – ‘from the horse’s mouth’ so to speak. The firebrand nature of the Ossewabrandwag appealed to B.J. Vorster (a future nationalist Prime Minister and President of South Africa) more than the National Party. On Nazism and the OB and said in 1942:

“We stand for Christian Nationalism which is an ally of National Socialism. You can call this anti-democratic principle dictatorship if you wish. In Italy it is called Fascism, in Germany National Socialism (Nazism) and in South Africa, Christian Nationalism.”

The Rev. Koot Vorster (B.J. Vorster’s brother), a Dutch Reformed Church minister, and like his brother was also a predominant Ossewabrandwag leader, crystalised this idea of Afrikaner totalitarianism when he summed up the pro-Hitler and Pro-Nazi standpoint of the OB during an address to a student group on September 15, 1940 and said:

“Hitler’s ‘Mein Kampf’ shows the way to greatness – the path of South Africa. Hitler gave the Germans a calling. He gave them a fanaticism which causes them to stand back for no one. We must follow this example because only by such holy fanaticism can the Afrikaner nation achieve its calling.”

Kowie Marais, an OB member and key member of the Broederbond, years later recalled in an interview the admiration he and his friends held for Hitler: 

“We thought (Hitler) might rejuvenate western civilization … against the communist-socialist trends that were creeping in from the east. We thought it was the dawn of a new era.”

All these links to Nazism matter not a jot to many Afrikaners still convinced that the OB was merely a “cultural organisation” to spread the edicts of Christian Nationalism as outlined by Henning Klopper, then the Chairman of Broederbond, in his famous 1938 centenary of the Great Trek. To literally spread this new ideology of Afrikaner nationalism like ‘wildfire’ throughout the country and unite the white ‘Cape’ Afrikaners with the ‘Boer’ Afrikaners up north (hence the name Ox Wagon Sentinel or ‘Fire Watch’), a job it did very successfully, so much so Klopper praised it as a divine event and called it a “sacred happening” – God had ordained it (according to the Broederbond at least) – and to a audience of Calvinists and Puritan Christian Protestants this had meaning .

Nothing to see here!

But how come this general malaise? How is it that all this Nazism is ignored? It boils down to the simple fact that by the end of World War 2, just about every National Party minister had been in the OB or in organisations affiliated to it, only a handful of ministers – men like D.F. Malan had not flirted directly with Nazism. The Nationalists had to be squeaky clean and re-invent themselves completely if they stood any chance to win the 1948 elections and then hold onto power. The reason they “sat out” the war with Nazi Germany was not because of any great affinity to Adolf Hitler and his cabal, it was because they were purely anti-British. They were simply against Jan Smuts’ ideals of Union and sought national independence and self-determination by way an Afrikaner Republic – they were just avowed Republicans whose identity was forged by Britain’s treatment of their women and children in the Boer War concentration camps. 

Image: The “Path to Nationhood” OB Poster

B.J. Vorster would cry complete innocence, often declaring in interview after interview that Smuts had unjustly imprisoned him during the war and the only reason given to him for his incarceration was because he was merely “anti-British”. The true reason for his imprisonment which was that he harboured previously interned fugitives on the run during the war was conveniently buried, in fact by the mid 70’s it was all under embargo and ‘lost’.

Even the OB leader – Johannes (Hans) van Rensburg – did a compete about face once Nazi Germany lost the war in 1945, he turned around and rather regretfully said:

“It was the greatest disaster in my spiritual life to realise suddenly that the people I had thought to be the heroes of a new era in western civilisation should in fact turn out to be just a band of murderers and nothing else.”

He went further in his autobiography to state his fight was always one of Afrikaner patriotism and a simple fight against Smuts and his policies – he reiterated that as the leader of the OB he had instructed his Stormjaers to sabotage the Union’s war effort so as to keep the soldiers in South Africa and prevent ‘sons of the soil’ – Afrikaners – been sent overseas to die for Great Britain. He was clear in his instructions that no Union soldier would die by the hand of an OB Stormjaer. So – nothing to do with high treason and nothing to do with actively supporting Nazi Germany by way of killing any UDF members, and everything to do with Afrikaner patriotism instead.

He would remark on the OB’s achievements in his autobiography:

“I fought (Smuts’) war effort and I fought it bitterly with all the means at my disposal – which were considerable…. There is no doubt that they (the Ossewabrandwag) seriously hampered the government’s war effort. Hampered it because the government was forced to draw off considerable manpower to guard many strategic points and essential services. A not inconsiderable military element also had to be retained in South Africa as a strategic reserve for possible emergency.”

That in reality the OB played no significant tactical, operational or strategic role in curtailing South Africa’s war effort whatsoever mattered not a jot to van Rensburg, in his mind he did a great service and was pure of Afrikaner heart.

The cover up

During the war, the South African intelligence services under Colonel Ernie Malherbe and the British intelligence services had collected a wealth of information directly linking the OB and the Broederbond to the Nazi German war effort. After the war ended, the Smuts’ government found itself having to implement commissions to investigate all the cases of High Treason, committed by organisations like the Ossewabrandwag, the Grey Shirts, the Broederbond, the New Order etc – additionally treasonous acts by South African nationals joining the German military directly, or joining German propaganda and intelligence services directly and also German and foreign nationals operating in South Africa as spies were to be investigated. Called the Barrett Commission it published its findings to limited ‘eyes-only’ circulation at the end of 1947, but these findings were deemed as political fireworks and embargoed pending the outcome of the 1948 elections scheduled early in the new year.

The fateful 1948 election and unexpected National Party win would change all of that, the newly appointed National Party Minister of Defence (and ex-OB member) Frans Erasmus would walk into the South African Intelligence Services archive, he fired the Officer Commanding on the spot and removed “two lorries” worth of incriminating evidence – never to seen again! The newly appointed National Party Minister of Justice (and ex-OB member) C.R. “Blackie” Swart would obtain the original Barrett Report and recall all the circulated copies of the Barrett report and all its appendixes and supporting documents – never to seen again! 

The Felix transmitter and Lothar Sittig – codename Felix – images courtesy Dr Brian Austin

The National Party in 1948 went another remarkable step further, they granted full amnesty to all Nazi German collaborators and spies, all imprisoned right wing Nazi sympathisers, murderers and saboteurs and all the treasonous South Africans who joined the German military or its propaganda and intelligence forces – all those been held in detention for interrogation or who had been given prison sentences for high treason and wartime crimes and serving time – simply walked free – with no obligation or pressure whatsoever to divulge their activities, the names of their collaborators or their sources and materials to anyone.  

The Afrikaner Nationalists were from here out just a bunch of anti-British Afrikaner republicans, pure Christians at heart and true patriots – no Nazism, no high treason, or traitors to seen here … moving on. Any young whippersnapper journalist or academic trying to pin Nazism on people like B.J. Vorster, H.F. Verwoerd, P.W. Botha, J. van Rensburg, Jaap Marais etc, or even trying to link Apartheid to Nazism would simply be met with a smug “prove it”.

Enter an archive bloodhound 

This is the reason for all my YES! And FINALLY! expletives. Dr. Evert Kleynhans, now an Associate Professor at the South African Military Academy spent years – literally years unlocking the parts of the Ossewabrandwag archive previously embargoed or denied to the all the other historians writing on the Ossewabrandwag. He added to this by digging around in the private collections and archives of all key players. Over and above this he tackled the British intelligence archives – MI5 and more. 

For most modern historians, the credibility of their work is seen in their mastery of the ‘secondary sources’ and you find it in the cross references – an example of this is a reference number to say X book by X author on X page e.g. “Visser, OB: Traitors or Patriots? P.183” However, if a historian gets into the ‘primary sources’ as their major reference source, that is where he or she gets into the archive and the original documents, photographs, signals, messages, letters, speeches, reports etc etc, then their work moves onto an entirely different level. It’s at this point the work moves away from being simply sound and good historical research and into a world where the work becomes a trailblazing and seminal one, one by which future historians will build on and reference.

You can see how Evert has tackled this, as in tackling the primary sources, his reference notations look entirely different, they read like this X Box, X File, X Date e.g. “Box 1621. File: Part 2 Secret Report on cases of high treason, 19 March 1946”. It is here, in the use of primary material that Evert Kleynhan’s “Hitler’s Spies” stands out as more than just a historical treatise it is a seminal work. Evert has fully ‘unlocked’ the Ossewabrandwag’s archive and he has meticulously and steadily pieced together all the missing testament such that the case he presents is water-tight, unquestionable and as close to a truism you can get with all the information at hand.

Image: An Ossewabrandwag ‘Kommandant’ in full para-military uniform with lapel badges, ‘crested eagle’ epaulettes and ‘lightning bolt’ cap badge insignia. In addition he is wearing a sam-browne belt and lanyard. His ‘green’ arm band signifies his rank – using the ‘crested eagle’ again and horizontal lines for scale of seniority.

Here’s a bit of a spoiler alert, but necessary for my argument on the Ossewabrandwag (OB), what Evert does in Hitler’s Spies using all this primary data is bash the ‘High Treason’ and ‘Nazi’ nails into the Ossewabrandwag’s coffin good and solid. The case of High Treason that “Hitler’s Spies: Secret Agents and the Intelligence War in South Africa” brings against the Ossewabrandwag’s high command, inner circle leaders and its Commander in Chief – Johannes (Hans) van Rensburg – is both water-tight by sheer weight of evidence and it is one of eternal damnation. Evert Kleynhans through empirical and extensive research is able to firmly prove that the Ossewabrandwag and its leaders and inner circle ticked all the boxes defining High Treason that would under the laws of the time may have had them all swinging from the end of a rope – alongside their Nazi brethren in Germany ‘Nuremberg Judgement’ style.

What Evert Kleynhans is able to do, and what the likes of B.J.Vorster and others tried very hard for many years to prevent, is that he has been able to “Prove it”.  The OB and its leaders stand as full Nazi collaborators and zealot devotees to Nazism as an ideology and its expansionist new order ambitions and racist constructs, directly assisting their war effort to the detriment of and living threat to every single South African – Afrikaner or otherwise, whether serving in the Union’s Defence force or even just existing as an ‘Untermensch’ in the South African Union and surrounding British territories. 

It’s evidence that is not even inferred by MI5 and SA Intelligence operators and their reporting, Evert even gets his hands on the only remaining copy of the Barrett Report – ironically buried deep in C.R. Swart’s personal archive – the man charged with destroying it, somehow and rather inexplicably decided to hold onto one copy (maybe he figured in the shady world of nationalist politics and political backstabbing he would one day need the leverage of political blackmail to prevent him from getting the chop). The evidence is even more water tight than the commission’s report, Evert even gets holds of confessions, all of them – spies, collaborators – the lot, the most remarkable is Johannes van Rensburg’s personal confession to all manner of High Treason charges called “Rex versus van Rensburg” which he penned in anticipation of his arrest when the war ended and the net was closing in on him (a document so incriminating he buried it and did not really refer to it in his autobiography).

A page turner

Now, one would think that with all this primary source and data that Dr Evert Kleynhans’ “Hitler’s Spies: Secret Agents and the Intelligence War in South Africa” is a dour romp through dusty archival records – but it is anything but, it reads like a Spy Thriller – stuffed full of espionage, spies, double agents, prison escapes, collaborators, honey traps and traitors. It would make it on the spy novel fiction shelf next to a John le Carré novel such is all the intrigue and danger, the frightening bit – John le Carré’s novels are fantastic and entertaining yarns – yet Evert’s work is a truth, it all actually happened, and in this context it will leave you utterly gobsmacked.

The book will take you through the full historiography of espionage in South Africa during World War 2, it covers in full the Ossewabrandwag’s association and collaboration with the Nazi Abwehr (intelligence) Roosebloom Operation and their Felix Operation in South Africa. In between it covers the Nazi Abwehr Operations in Mozambique and Operation Weissdorn and many other cases of espionage, propaganda warfare (Radio Zeesen), message couriering, prison breaks and spy smuggling.

U-156 and U-507 assisting survivors sinking the Laconia in the Indian Ocean, 15 Sept 1942

Even for the ‘anorak’ history enthusiasts looking for all the technical stuff, Evert’s ‘Hitler’s Spies’ does not disappoint, what you also get a force majeure tour into the mechanics of transmitting, frequencies and signal vectoring, the methodologies and systems used in World War 2 of collecting intelligence and conducting counter-intelligence. For the real history buffs, you even get the intelligence, data, signals and tonnage sunk and reporting of the German submarine hunter packs operating off South Africa’s coastline – and all in addition to the submarine activities of the Italians and the Japanese.

I must commend Evert on one very critical point in making this book a page turner, and that’s his writing style. If you think you’re about to get a dull historical treatise sans paragraphs – academic style – think again. Evert, for an academic, uses very good journalistic and storytelling skills – his opening paragraph alone starts with a sinister quote from Carl Emmermann, the Commander of U-172, part of the Eisbär (Polar) submarine hunter group as he peers at Cape Town through his submarine’s telescope.  Evert even brings in skills like “send-up” to link the stories – a case in point here is the wager of a bottle of whiskey taken between two interrogators that they would not be able to break a Dutch national (held in detention after the war) who operated as a Nazi spy in South Africa. I’ll leave it to the reader to find out if the bottle of scotch was won or lost – but this is a human story telling element which has no real historical bearing and could easily have been left out – yet luckily, we find it in this history book – it makes it highly readable. 

The final word?

Is Evert’s book ‘Hitler’s Spies’ the final and definitive word on the Nazification of the Afrikaner Right? It’s solid enough that it can be, but to be honest it’s not – there is loads to this subject not covered in Hitler’s Spies and there is very good reason for this. As said this work is a seminal one, Evert could have broadened each subject he tackled exponentially taking the book which is focussed on submarine warfare and espionage into a massive historical tome instead – but he chooses not to and keeps the book and its story focussed and succinct, what he does instead is open the door to other historians and authors to pick up on any empirical thread Hitler’s Spies throws out and become bloodhounds in their own right.

A case in point here – during the war the OB’s leader – Johannes van Rensburg, is accused by the leader of the National Socialist Rebels – Robey Leibbrandt of being a double-agent – Leibbrandt is open in his accusation that van Rensburg is a “Smuts-man” in disguise. Whilst it is very clear in Evert’s book Hitler’s Spies that there is collaboration between the Smuts government and the OB, it would take another historian – Dr Garth Bennyworth from Sol Plaatjies University, to unearth in a MI5 file the proof positive that van Rensberg had indeed acted as a double agent to betray Liebbrandt. To note here, this skulduggery is not so much van Rensburg’s intentions as a patriot Afrikaner to protect Afrikaners – its more to his adherence to the Führer principle. Both Robey Leibbrandt and Johannes van Rensburg are megalomanic enough to assume they will be South Africa’s new absolute Führer should Germany win – you need to view Liebbrandt as a sort of Ernst Röhm brownshirt thug, and like Hitler eliminates Röhm, van Rensburg eliminates Liebbrandt. What this double agent conspiracy does – it also gives van Rensburg his “get out of jail free card” should Germany lose the war and he knew it, it would stop him from swinging by a rope for High Treason – the truth is he’s looking out for number 1. 

Image: Carnage from a OB bomb blast

Were does this leave the final word on all the Osswabrandwag’s leader element and inner circle – all the people complicit in Nazism and High treason? All the future National Party leaders, Presidents and Prime Minister’s – the likes of:

  • B.J. Vorster – Ossewabrandwag ‘General’, Broederbond and future National Party Prime Minister of South Africa and President of South Africa.
  • Oswald Pirow – Founder of the Neo Nazi ‘New Order’ and devout Nazi – National Party Cabinet Minister prior to the war and future National Party appointed State Prosecutor.
  • Hendrik van den Bergh – Ossewabrandwag future National Party appointed head of State Security.
  • Johannes von Moltke – leader of the Christian National Socialist Movement (SANP)’ in the Eastern Cape and future National Party Minister and the National Party leader in South West Africa/Namibia.
  • P.O. Sauer – Ossewabrandwag ‘General’ – future National Party Cabinet Minister.
  • Frans Erasmus – Ossewabrandwag ‘General’ – future National Party Cabinet Minister. 
  • C.R. Swart – Ossewabrandwag – future National Party Cabinet Minister and State President.
  • P.W. Botha – Ossewabrandwag and Broederbond – future National Party Cabinet Minister and State President of South Africa.
  • Eric Louw – Ossewabrandwag, devout anti-semite – future National Party Cabinet Minister (Foreign Minister). 
  • Jaap Marais – Ossewabrandwag – future National Party Cabinet Minister and future co-founder of the ultra-right Herstigte Nasionale Party.
  • Louis Weichardt – founder and leader of the Neo Nazi ‘South African Christian National Socialist Movement’ (SANP) and future National Party Minister.
  • The Rev. Koot Vorster – Ossewabrandwag General, Broederbond – brother of BJ Vorster and future NGK leader.
  • Dr Hendrik Verwoerd – editor of Die Transvaaler, found guilty of transforming it to a Nazi mouthpiece during WW2, Broederbond and future National Party Prime Minister of South Africa.
  • Henning Klopper – founder and Chairman of the Broederbond, National Party Minister and Speaker of the National Assembly.
  • Albert Hertzog – son of General J.B.M. Hertzog, Broederbond, future National Party Minister and co-founder of the ultra-right Herstigte Nasionale Party.
  • Dr Nico Diedericks – Chairman of the Broederbond during the war, a future National Party State President – prior to the war attended the Nazi Party’s Anti-Comintern training in Berlin. 
  • Piet Meyer – Chairman of the Broederbond and Ossewabrandwag General, future National Party appointed Head of the SABC. So admired Nazi Germany he befriended Hitler’s chief of staff, Rudolf Hess, who even taught him how to ski.
  • General Rudolph Hiemstra, UDF WW2 objector due to strong pro-Nazi convictions, re-instated by Frans Erasmus after the war in 1948 and eventually became the National Party’s appointed Commandant General of The South African Defence Force.
  • Dr Eben Dönges – Ossewabrandwag, Broederbond stalwart, future National Party Cabinet Minister, Acting Prime Minister and State President elect.

The truth is final word has been left wide open, these stalwart Afrikaner nationalists are now open to investigation and more digging, the secrets have now been unlocked, the archives are open, the documents found, the path mapped. The ‘veneer’ has finally fallen off. My honest recommendation to any military history enthusiast interested in South African history – buy this book – and buy it now. It’s still available on-line and in all major retailers.

Dr Evert Kleynhans – Associate Professor, South African Military Academy

Also, look out for a future Observation Post on the Felix Transmitter, an abridged version of The Story of the Nazi Spy in South Africa with the kind permission of Dr Brian Austin and Vincent Harrison.

As to last words, Dr Evert Kleynhans wrote in a personal message to me in the beginning of my copy of his book ‘Hitler’s Spies’ – it reads “Dear Peter. Happy Reading and look forward to working with you – Evert”, my last word on this review is this:

“It’s the other way round Evert – I look forward to working with you! – Peter” 


Written, researched and reviewed by Peter Dickens

References:

“Hitler’s Spies: Secret Agents and the Intelligence War in South Africa 1939-1945” by Dr. Evert Kleynhans – Jonathan Ball Publishers 2021

Felix Transmitter – The Story of the Nazi Spy in South Africa by Dr Brian Austin and Vincent Harrison.

Dr. Garth Benneyworth – Sol Plaatje University – Correspondence 16/2/2023

Pro-Nazi Subversion in South Africa, 1939-1941: By Patrick J. Furlong.

The Rise of the South African Reich: 1964: By Brian Bunting

The White Tribe of Africa: 1981: By David Harrison

National Socialism and Nazism in South Africa: The case of L.T. Weichardt and his Greyshirt movements, 1933-1946: By Werner Bouwer

The Final Prize: The Broederbond by Norman Levy: South African History On-line (SAHO) War and the formation of Afrikaner nationalism: By Anne Samson: Great War in Africa Association.

Volk and Fuhrer. By Hans Strydom. 

Ribbontrop’s proposals to South Africa, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich. By William Shirer, 1974 edition.

Related Work

Kruger, the man the mystery and the movie Oom Kruger, the man, the movie, the myth!

Oswald Pirow South Africa’s Nazi ‘Neuordnung’ and Oswald Pirow

Greyshirts South Africa’s Nazi Party; The ‘Gryshemde’

Ossewabrandwag “Mein Kampf shows the way to greatness for South Africa” – The Ossewabrandwag

Broederbond and media Just whistling an innocent ‘toon’

Torch Commando – The Nazification of the Afrikaner Right

General Hertzog’s volte-face towards Nazism

I’m currently researching the Torch Commando for an academic seminar I’m involved in on Sailor Malan to be held in Kimberley in September 2023, part of this is researching the ‘Nazification of the Afrikaner Right’ which triggered the returning South African WW2 veterans into mass protest when the National Party came to power in 1948. In doing this we uncover more “inconvenient history” and nothing more inconvenient to our general understanding is the sudden conversion of the much loved (in white South African circles at least) Prime Minister, General J.B.M. Hertzog … to Nazism. 

What! No way, we’ve heard about all the ‘Pure’ Afrikaner Nationalists flirting with Nazim, how now General James Barry Munnik Hertzog? He was all about the South African ‘Union’ with Jan Smuts! This was no ‘Nazi ‘surely!

But I’m afraid here’s some more history that your Apartheid period schoolteacher either glossed over or had no clue about. But let’s cover a little of Hertzog’s background to this infamous U-turn first.

Hertzog’s political career in a nutshell

Much is written about General Barry Hertzog. A complex character, his popularity amongst Afrikaners was cemented when as a ‘Bittereinder’ Boer War General, he played a pivot role alongside Generals Louis Botha, Koos de la Rey and Jan Smuts in the Peace agreement that ended the Boer War. He joined Botha, and Smuts to form the South African Party (SAP) and was key to the establishment of ‘Union’ which saw a South African Union formed out of the two old Boer Republics and two primary British Colonies under the British family of nations, established in 1910, with Louis Botha as the country’s first Prime Minister.  

Issues within the SAP would however start to come to head between Hertzog and Botha when Hertzog chose neutrality when the First World War broke out with Imperial Germany in 1914, Hertzog then joined a small minority of Ministers who voted against invading German South West Africa (the vote was 92: In Favour and 12: Against – going to war against Imperial Germany).

He would ultimately break away from the SAP later in 1914, found and head up the National Party after a disagreement with Prime Minister Botha, who favoured a ‘one-stream’ policy (English and Afrikaners together policy) as opposed to Hertzog’s ‘Two-Stream’ which sought a separate development of English and Afrikaans to protect Afrikaans culture (an early form of Apartheid). He would state of British Imperialism at this time, that he would remain committed to it, on the proviso that it benefited the white Afrikaner, the minute it did not, he would happily break with it.

After the Miner’s Strike (Rebellion) in 1922, Jan Smuts’ Prime Ministership and the reign of the SAP was lost, and Hertzog was able to come into power under the National Party banner by climbing into bed with the Labour Party (‘English’ white ‘Bolsheviks’ in effect) in a very uneasy coalition. Although clipped somewhat by the Labour Party as to the maintenance of Union under the British flag (Hertzog leaned to Republicanism) the ‘majority’ National Party was now able to pass extensive ‘segregation’ based legislation, and even change the national flag from the ‘Red Duster’ to the OBB (Orange, White and Blue) incorporating the old Boer Republic flags.

With respect to the South African Union, despite at times harbouring deep wishes for the re-establishment of Boer Republicanism and the possible unbundling of the Union. After the Belfour Declaration of 1926, of which Hertzog was the South African representative and signatory, he remained committed to Union, and to South Africa’s status as a British Dominion. Having played a key role in the agreement he believed that the Balfour Declaration of 1926 had granted sufficient autonomy to British dominions and negated any idea of any overt British Imperialism or influence playing any sort of significant role in South Africa’s future. South Africa (like Canada and Australia) had ‘figurehead’ British monarchist representation, but could crack on with its own laws and independence, completely free of Westminster.

The Balfour Declaration 1924: King George V (front, centre) with his prime ministers at the 1926 Imperial Conference – Monroe (Newfoundland), Coates (New Zealand), Bruce (Australia), Hertzog (South Africa), Cosgrave (Irish Free State), Mackenzie King (Canada) and Baldwin (United Kingdom).

The Balfour Declaration of 1926 would be Hertzog’s crowning achievement and personal pride. However dynamics within the electorate in by 1934, would see the Hertzog’s National Party out of its coalition with Labour and into “Fusion” with Jan Smuts’ opposition South African Party to maintain its authority and Hertzog’s Premiership over South Africa. The decision in this “Fusion” would see Hertzog and Smuts shelve their respective parties and form a new entity called The United Party (UP) – essentially to consolidate a white hegemony in South Africa with a better balance between white English and Afrikaans speakers.

By this stage Hertzog would become the longest serving South Africa Premier in history, presiding over no less than 4 governments. Hertzog’s mantra as Prime Minister revolved around the reconciliation of white Afrikaans and English speakers as the only viable path for South Africa, in this respect he became an intense supporter of “English Rights” and he continued his commitment to South Africa remaining a British Dominion. Hertzog and his Nationalist cabal within the UP are however still able to continue to with segregationist and race-based policies, albeit these were ‘softened’ significantly by the more liberal Smuts and his cabal. 

Hertzog’s United Party cabinet, a curious mix of hard conservatives like Jan Kemp and democratic progressives like Jan Smuts and Patrick Duncan.

A small group of disgruntled nationalists ‘on the rump’ of the party would however break away from Hertzog’s nationalists and form the ‘Pure’ National Party or Herenigde Nasionale Party (Reunited National Party) – under the leadership of Dr. D.F. Malan. They would turn their vitriol against Hertzog, who they now regarded as traitorous as Smuts and a British puppet.

On the other hand, within The United Party, by the late 1930’s things had started to come to a head between Hertzog and Smuts. One issue was South West Africa (Namibia), now under South African Union mandate, and part of Smuts’ and the Union’s vision for ‘Greater South Africa’.

Hertzog’s right hand-man, Oswald Pirow – the National Party’s Minister of Defence and a devout Nazi supporter and admirer of Adolf Hitler had been sent by Hertzog to the Nazi German state on a number of ‘unofficial’ state visits – in doing so Pirow would meet Hitler and assure him of Afrikaner support of the Reich and that should there be war against the British – South Africa would remain neutral and should Germany win they could re-claim their old colony of South West Africa as German (something Hitler re-iterated to Pirow as a fait accompli).

Oswald Pirow in Nazi Germany, November 1938  in Berlin inspecting a honour guard from the German Luftwaffe (Air Force), to his left is Wilhelm Canaris, to his right Ernst Seifert.

Things would really come to a full head when Britain and France declared war against Nazi Germany in 1939. A Parliamentary three-way debate would take place at the beginning of September 1939 primarily between the two factions in the United Party and the Pure Nationalists now in opposition, as to whether South Africa should go to war against Germany or remain neutral. As the United Party was loaded with Hertzog’s Nationalists and there was also Malan’s Nationalists in opposition, Hertzog was very confident he had the majority to carry his motion of neutrality.

Prime Minister Hertzog would argue in his speech that Hitler’s invasion of Poland and annexations of Austria and Czechoslovakia was not an indication that Hitler aspired to world conquest, and Afrikaners well understood the Germans right to struggle for their own self-determination against the hostility of the outside world. Germany’s actions constituted no threat to South African security whatsoever and a policy of neutrality under these circumstances was the only logical policy to adopt.

General Smuts would reply in his speech that since the fate of South West Africa would depend on the outcome of the war, South Africa’s interests were virtually involved. Furthermore, South Africa was part of the Commonwealth whose fate now hung in the balance, to stand aside from the conflict would be to expose the whole civilised world to danger.

Smuts’ amendment to Hertzog’s Motion of Neutrality was carried by 80 votes to 67 votes on the 4th September 1939 and South Africa found itself at war against Nazi Germany. Surprised at the outcome, Hertzog promptly resigned, leaving the South African Premiership and the leadership of the United Party to General Jan Smuts and both he and some of his supporters left the United Party.

Field Marshal Smuts with a ‘V’ for Victory and the pin commemorating his win over Hertzog’s motion of neutrality on the 4-9-1939

On the 23rd November 1939 the National Party’s “Malanites” and “Hertzognites” met and tried to reconcile their differences, they could not, the stumbling block was Republicanism – the ‘Pure’ Malanite Nationalists wanted a Republic regardless, Hertzog felt that a break from Union and the declaration of Republic could only take place if both Afrikaner and English whites were in agreement with the idea. 

To the ‘Malanite’ Nationalists, the UP’s decision to go to war had vindicated their intensive segregationist policies which they had been following since 1934, and that Hertzog’s flirtation with English speakers ‘rights’ was delusional (the Malanites classified English speakers as secondary citizens, albeit they made up around 40% of the white population). Unable to reconcile, Dr. D.F. Malan seized the opportunity to take over leadership of all ‘Afrikanerdom’ and cast Hertzog out into the political wilderness. Hertzog tried again on 5th November 1940 at the National Party’s Convention to reaffirm his position on English-speakers rights, falling on deaf ears, he grabbed his hat and walked out of the National Party – forever.

In his retirement from politics, and in his private life, no longer walking ‘coalition’ and ‘fusion’ political tightropes and toeing UP party-political lines, Hertzog felt confident to reveal his true colours. He performed an especially remarkable volte-face (U-Turn) when, just after leaving the National Party over his defence of English-speakers’ rights, he suddenly became a champion of full-blown National Socialism (Nazism).

Angered by his treatment by Dr D.F. Malan and the endless machinations of National party politicians, General Hertzog issued a press statement in October 1941 in which he excoriated “liberal capitalism” and the democratic party system, while praising National Socialism, as in keeping with the traditions of the Afrikaner, and as a system National Socialism simply had to be adapted to South African needs under the oversight of a one-party state dictatorship.

General Hertzog’s press release led to frenzied activity as the various Afrikaner pro-Nazi and anti-war factions tried to reunite. In the months following Hertzog’s pro-Nazi declaration Germany was joined by Japan, and the Axis forces won victory after victory. This was the point where Smuts was at his most perilous and the Smuts Government really feared that all could easily be lost. The National Party at this point even gave Dr. D.F. Malan dictatorial powers over his party to meet the Hertzog induced “crisis.”

The United Party’s Secretary Louis Esselen even wrote to Sidney Waterson, the wartime Minister of Transport that General Hertzog was ready to be proclaimed saviour of the Afrikaner volk once the war was lost.

According to Hertzog’s officially appointed biographer C.M. van den Heever, in his ‘General J.B.M Hertzog’ published in 1944; the following on Hertzog’s volte-face towards Nazism over this period is noted:

“Hertzog became “bitterly disappointed in the democratic system, with its capitalist foundations and press influence, for he had cause to know that the voice of the majority is not only the voice of wisdom … he was convinced that a new world order was on its way … after his retirement … he became more inclined towards National Socialism, by which he meant the adaption of the old Free State model republic to modern conditions, using the best from recent European experiments. … He regarded National Socialism as suited to the moral and religious outlook of the Afrikaner; indeed, he considered that the constitution of the old Free State Republic was based on it.”

As it happened the Malan’s Nationalists were not able to reconcile with all the pro-Nazi Afrikaner factions – the Ossewabrandwag, the Greyshirts (and the other ‘shirt’ movements), the New Order and the Boerenasie. The ‘Greyshirts’ – The South African Christian National Socialist Movement (SANP) themselves were unable to convince anyone to accept their rather opportunistic leader Louis Weichardt to be appointed as Führer under Hertzog’s ceremonial patronage. Dr. D.F. Malan was certainly unwilling to be usurped by anybody as the leader of “Afrikanerdom” – he had fought very hard to get to this position and rid the party of Hertzog, and even the Ossewabrandwag leader Dr Hans van Rensberg, a man who also converted the idea of Führer for himself, would ultimately find himself on the wrong side of Malan.

Also, according to C.M. van den Heever, Hertzog became increasingly private and isolated. Also noted is that Hertzog started to become seriously ill a year later in 1942 passing away on the 21st November 1942 aged 74. Some apologists to Hertzog’s volte-face and sojourn with Nazism point to his illness and him becoming ‘senile’ – however he was also considered by many to have been well within his faculties a year before in 1941 when he published his pro-National Socialist press release.

That said, his turn to Nazism, given his entire political career and his strong position on ‘Fusion’ and equality between English and Afrikaans speakers along with ‘Union’ – his turn to Nazism seems a little out of character – his illness and realisation that he was closing in on his twilight years may have played a role in that he may have wanted ‘to get it off his chest’, or he may have genuinely become completely mentally discombobulated. 

Like father like son?

Barry and Albert Hertzog

However, it’s in his private life and not in his public life that we find a more compelling clue, and in retirement especially he was very much focussed on his family. They say ‘the apple does not fall far from the tree’ and here we find General Hertzog’s son, Dr. Albert Hertzog who followed his fathers’ footsteps into politics.

Dr. Albert Hertzog was a key figure in the Afrikaner Broederbond, in 1948 he stood as a National Party candidate, becoming a Minister of Parliament. Dr. Albert Hertzog’s views were extreme, he wanted to nationalise the gold mines and as devout National Socialist he looked to reforming Afrikaner and white labour unions – especially the Afrikaner Bond of Mineworkers. He even advocated state control of the entire economy. 

So extremely right wing in his views, Dr. Albert Hertzog eventually found the National Party too ‘liberal’ for his liking and came to loggerheads with them – he was removed from the party, and he moved to establish the Herstigte Nasionale Party (Reconstituted National Party) or HNP in 1969 and head it up as a breakaway to the extreme right of the NP. Joining him as his deputy was Jaap Marais, an ex-Ossewabrandwag stalwart and National Party Minister, who along with Dr Albert Hertzog harboured such extreme National Socialist views that he too was removed from the NP.

The HNP bordered on a Neo-Nazi party in its mandate, advocating complete racial segregation with ‘Pure’ white Afrikaners in full control, dictatorial government, ‘Blood and Land’ ideals and the only official language in South Africa was to be Afrikaans. The party would see the likes of Eugène Terre’Blanche emerge from it (forming the neo-Nazi – afrikaner weerstandsbeweging – AWB) and believe it or not the HNP still exists in modern South Africa today with a mandate to revert to Verwoerdian Apartheid – such is our free democracy, but how they realistically intend to do this is anyone’s guess.  

Legacy

General Hertzog was a much-loved leader, and that’s attested by his oversight over 4 governments, he carefully balanced Smuts’ ‘liberals’ against the more conservative Nationalists and as a result had a tenure over South Africa that even exceeded Smuts’ – and this has not been matched by a South African premier since – even in the modern democratic era. His disposition to ‘reconciliation’ of Afrikaners and English with Smuts alongside him was his downfall in the face of the extreme Afrikaner Nationalists advocating a return to ‘Krugerism’, and an all-encompassing Afrikaner ‘white’ Republic, with the emerging Broederbond advocating a Weimar Eugenics and National Socialist infused definition of Afrikaner ‘Christian Nationalism’ in addition. 

Had it remained there, history would have been kinder to General Barry Hertzog.  Unfortunately, his volte-face to accept National Socialism (Nazism) at the very end of his career will forever tarnish his legacy, as there is literally no way it can be shaken off.  In this respect he joins the likes of all the other National Party members who embraced National Socialism as an ideology prior to and during the war (some even after the war) – B.J. Vorster, Oswald Pirow, Hendrik van den Bergh, Johannes von Moltke, P.O. Sauer, Frans Erasmus, C.R. Swart, P.W. Botha, Eric Louw, General Manie Maritz, Jaap Marais, Louis Weichardt, The Rev. Koot Vorster, Dr. Hendrik Verwoerd, Henning Klopper, Dr. Nico Diedericks, Piet Meyer, General Rudolph Hiemstra, Dr. Eben Dönges, Dr. Hans van Rensberg and even his own son …  Dr. Albert Hertzog.

The Springbok Legion and the Torch Commando, consisting of returning World War 2 veterans repeatedly warned that the under the thin veneer of Afrikaner Nationalism dwelt full blown National Socialism (Nazism), and they pointed repeatedly at the likes of Pirow, Vorster, Erasmus, Verwoerd and Swart. At the helm of the National Party during the 1950’s was Dr. D.F. Malan, and he was just about the only Afrikaner Nationalist in the NP’s leader element who had not either partly or fully embraced Nazism as a political ideology prior to and during World War 2. 

The ‘Malanazi’ as published in ‘Blikfakkel’ the Torch Commando’s mouthpiece in June 1952 – political cartoon by Berry – served to ridicule Dr. D.F. Malan, the Prime Minister and leader of The National Party, humorously depicted as a poor cousin of Nazism.

The National Party spent years covering up its National Socialist affiliations, declaring they were just “anti-British” during WW2 and promoted “neutrality” and not war with Nazi Germany – a “no, Nazi to be seen here .. move on!” approach. But this argument starts to really fall about when you look at General Hertzog’s conversion to Nazism in addition to the rest, the National Party’s founder, its most successful premier and cornerstone for the party for over three decades. 


Written and Researched by Peter Dickens

References:

Pro-Nazi Subversion in South Africa, 1939-1941: By Patrick J. Furlong.

General J.B.M Hertzog: Official biography published 1944: By C.M. van den Heever.

The Rise of the South African Reich: 1964: By Brian Bunting

The White Tribe of Africa: 1981: By David Harrison 

National Socialism and Nazism in South Africa: The case of L.T. Weichardt and his Greyshirt movements, 1933-1946: By Werner Bouwer

The Final Prize: The Broederbond by Norman Levy: South African History On-line (SAHO) War and the formation of Afrikaner nationalism: By Anne Samson: Great War in Africa Association 

Colourised photo of Smuts contract Photos Redux

Related work:

Robey Leibbrand’s National Socialist Rebels Blood Oaths on the Führer principle

Oswald Pirow’s New Order: South Africa’s Nazi ‘Neuordnung’ and Oswald Pirow

Ossewabrandwag: “Mein Kampf shows the way to greatness for South Africa” – The Ossewabrandwag

Greyshirts: South Africa’s Nazi Party; The ‘Gryshemde’

Manie Martiz Boerenasie : A differing outlook

The ‘Devil’s Box’

Ever the scientific mind, Jan Smuts inspects a television camera just after World War 2 (cira 1948/9). Knowing Smuts’ he would have fully embraced this new medium given his nature and inquisitive mind, his opposition the National Party saw television very differently – they called it the ‘devils box’ and feared it would unleash corruption of the mind.

Their staunch National Christian principles demanded that television not be brought to South Africa and they resisted the introduction of television until 1976 – nearly 30 years after most the world embraced the technology. Rhodesia introduced TV in 1960 and Rhodesians though South Africa an oddity with no gambling and no TV.

Albert_Hertzog

Dr Albert Hertzog

Dr. Albert Hertzog, Minister for Posts and Telegraphs at the time, said that TV would come to South Africa “over [his] dead body,” denouncing it as “only a miniature bioscope which is being carried into the house and over which parents have no control.”

He also argued that “South Africa would have to import films showing race mixing; and advertising would make Africans dissatisfied with their lot.” The new medium was then regarded as the “devil’s own box, for disseminating communism and immorality”.

The issue of whether to bring television to South Africa was back on the Parliamentary debate when South Africa was about the only country in the advanced world to completely miss Neil Armstrong’s famous worlds and landing on the moon – beamed live on TV to planet earth (except, inter-alia – South Africa) in 1969.  The moon landing and live Apollo missions to the moon into the mid 1970’s had sealed television as the primary media mouthpiece of the foreseeable future – it could simply no longer be ignored.

In 1971, the National Party appointed a “Commission of Inquiry into Matters Relating to Television”, headed by Piet Meyer, chairman of the Afrikaner Broederbond and later of the SABC. itself.  A majority of its members, of whom nine were Broederbond members, recommended that a television service be introduced, provided that “effective control” was exercised “to the advantage of our nation and country”.

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Still taken from ‘Television in Action’ the first Test Broadcast in 1975 which used the SADF as a subject.

Instead of fearing the advancement of communication via television, the National Party now embraced the power of television to mould the nation’s mind in favour their prevailing political narrative – if it was very carefully censored and controlled by the state.  Albeit that they were still very wary as is seen here is John Vosters’ opening speech on the first broadcast on the 5th January 1976.

In the English part of his short bilingual address BJ Vorster went on to say.

‘After years of thorough preparations, we have now reached the stage where television becomes a part of our daily lives,’ Vorster explained. ‘… It is still too early to say or even to predict what influence it is going to have on our daily lives. But what is clear, is that we are dealing with a medium that, as it has already been experienced by all other countries, can have a powerful influence, whether for good or for bad.’

Vorster then outlined his vision for South African television:

The approach should still be that we want to use the medium to provide fresh and correct information, and healthy entertainment, and to be part of the education of the nation … Objectivity and balance should still be our keyword. It is a big task, not only to bring the world to South Africa, but also (and perhaps especially) to show South Africa to the world as it is in its rich diversity and everything it has to offer.

The possibility of using television as a government propaganda tool was thus clear from the beginning. When TV was finally introduced is was very limited to a handful of hours at night for many years split equally between English and Afrikaans and heavily censored and controlled with heavy religious and Afrikaner nationalist cultural content.

Broadcasting started and ended with a Christian Bible reading and prayer which was then concluded with the playing of the national anthem before switching to the ever-present ‘test pattern’.

hqdefaultSunday broadcasts were dominated by a NG Church service streamed onto television and Afrikaans entertainment hours were dominated by ‘Boeremusik’ programming and showcasing ‘boere-orchestras’ and smiliar music shows.  The only news channel was ‘SABC’ News – which was very carefully managed.

In 1976, despite initially denying involvement of the SADF in Angola, world media and soldiers and their families themselves could no longer keep it a secret.  To take the high ground the National Party was very quick to jump on the TV bandwagon to publish a very politically and factually skewed ‘docu-drama’ in 1976 called ‘Brug 14’ to paint the forces of good (SADF) against the forces of evil (Cuban Communism) as an early foray into using the SABC as a propaganda tool.  It proved very successful and set the bench for docu-drama’s and documentaries to come.

By 1978, the British Actors’ Equity ban was extended to television programmes recorded on film.  The ban had first been put on South Africa in the 1960s in protest against Apartheid policies, and stated that Equity members would not perform in South Africa if they were not allowed to play to multi-racial audiences. When the boycott was extended to television, it meant that programmes using a performance by any Equity member could not be broadcast over South African television. This created difficulties in the procurement of shows from overseas, as Britain was an important source of material.

Ever resourceful to keep the ‘business as usual’ sanitised approach, the SABC managed to find their way around the ban by importing programmes from other countries and even by adapting British programmes, for example the animated children’s programme, Rupert the Bear. To get around the ban, the SABC dubbed the programme from English into English, as it originally featured performances by Equity voice artists.

Only by 1982 was television opened up to other languages and cultures, and Black South African audiences could finally enjoy some ‘sanitised’ content aimed at them. ‘Independent’ television from state-owned control – M-Net – was only finally launched in 1986, and only on the proviso that they were not allowed to have a news channel.  It was to be an entertainment channel only, the Nationalists continued to maintain a heavy grip on what South African’s could and could not see by way of how the Apartheid experiment was getting along.

cb_logo_defaultIn 1988, M-Net, keen on doing some kind of news actuality programming, found its way around the ‘no news channel’ clause with the launch of Carte Blanche (meaning ‘anything goes’) a once a week ‘Investigative journalism’ program which they billed as ‘entertainment’.  It is still South Africa’s only real source of real unbiased local TV news broadcasting having uncovered many of South Africa’s most famous scandals of human rights abuse, corruption and consumer affairs.

Very often, this website – The Observation Post, comes under criticism whenever it is mentioned that the Nationalist system skewed history or news or went about covering up tracks – one only has to cast your mind back to the heavy state control of media, especially mass media and the ‘blackout’ of anything broadcasted on a national basis which would counteract state policy.

South Africans were fed a careful diet of Nationalist Afrikaner dogma for decades, and as a result either have limited or no knowledge of our own contemporary history or if we do have some idea it is often connected with an equally skewed state ‘National Christian’ education policy and it is very biased and often very incorrect.

To get more in-depth as to this ‘influence’ on the general mindset of South Africans living under Apartheid, this documentary ‘SABC 20 years – the untold story’ is a must watch, it  looks at the start up of television in South Africa in 1976 and the manner in which it was directly controlled by the Nationalist Party Government to propagate Apartheid ideology.

Given the modern power of state-owned broadcasters and the advent of ‘fake-news’ in our current political narrative, with the SABC now firmly in the hands of the African National Congress (ANC), the ANC have proved themselves to be no different to the old ‘Nats’, as this powerful medium is once again wielded in favour of the prevailing political narrative – this time it’s all about ‘Black African nationalism’ and no longer ‘Afrikaner nationalism’.

The ANC have indeed learned from the previous ‘masters’ as to the power of manipulating TV media to mould the mind of the nation and we as a ‘rainbow’ nation of South Africans still await a truly politically uninfluenced free to air news channel, a full quarter of a decade into ‘true’ democracy later.

The ANC have even gone as far as launching their very own ’24 hour news’ channel in the form of ANN7 owned by the Gupta family which so blatantly biased towards ANC doctrine and their own news information it’s shameful.

In this sense Dr. Albert Hertzog was dead right – it is indeed the ‘Devil’s Box’ but as has been proved – it very much depends on whose Devil is in control of it.

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Written by Peter Dickens, references and extracts from Wikipedia and ‘Television Comes to South Africa’ published by the University of Pretoria  – Bevan, C (2008).  Cartoon copyright Zapiro.  “SABC TV 20 YEARS – the untold story” 1996 copyright Kevin Harris